Monthly Archives: September 2021

Both parties start 2024 convention selection process

The GOP is soliciting bids for a 3-day convention, and Las Vegas is interested:

The mayor of Las Vegas and the head of the Nevada state Republican party are pitching the idea of the city hosting the GOP National Convention ahead of the November 2024 presidential election.

Mayor Carolyn Goodman on Monday issued a statement saying she told the Republican National Committee in response to an inquiry that Las Vegas would be the best place for the three-day event in summer 2024. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court October Term 2021 — Part II

Last week, we took a look at the upcoming Supreme Court Term with a focus on the cases scheduled for the October and November argument sessions.  This week, we take a look at the cases set for December and those with no argument date yet (most likely January) with some comments on pending applications.

The big case on the December docket is Hobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization — the Mississippi abortion case.  Putting the media hype to the side, the technical issue is “whether all pre-viability prohibitions on elective abortions are unconstitutional.”   Roe and Casey both allow some pre-viability restrictions on abortion.  What they do not allow is a pre-viability ban on all abortions.  The real issue for this case will be how the majority tries to chip away at Roe and Casey to allow more restrictions on abortion.  My expectation is for some plurality opinion written by the Chief Justice or Justice Kavanaugh that makes it likely that the lower courts will nominally uphold Roe and strike down this statute while making it easier for states to regulate abortion in ways that will make it harder for women to get abortions in red states.

There are a couple of cases involving Medicare reimbursements.  One of these two cases involves issues of Chevron deference — the principle that, if a statute is ambiguous, courts should defer to the interpretation made by agency charged with applying the statute.  Conservatives have been chipping away at Chevron deference for many years.  The typical approach has been to use the tools of statutory construction to find that the statute is not ambiguous.  In this approach, Chevron deference is a tie-breaker at the end of the interpretive process, and you rarely get a tie at the end of the interpretive process. Continue Reading...

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Election Backfires

Last month, I mentioned three elections scheduled for September.  One of them — Germany scheduled for tomorrow — is a regular election at the expiration of the current parliamentary term.  Two of them were not.  In California, Republicans, thinking that his COVID policies made Governor Gavin Newsom vulnerable, pushed through a recall petition to force a recall election.  In Canada, the governing Liberal Party, thought that favorable polls gave them a chance of turning their plurality into an actual majority.

The votes are now in.  And both elections were a wash that mostly maintained the status quo.

In California, while early polls seemed to show a chance for the recall to succeed, the current vote totals are similar to the results of recent elections.  With approximately 12.5 million votes counted (and only around 450,000 votes remaining to be counted), slightly over 62% of the votes are against the recall.  The current counted votes are very similar to the final count from the 2018 election with the “no” votes being approximately 60,000 more votes that Governor Newsom got in 2018 and the “yes” votes being approximately 20,000 fewer votes than the Republican candidate got in 2018. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court October Term 2021 Preview — Part I

Once again, it’s that time of year.  Every year, the Supreme Court starts a new term on the first Monday in October.  This is the first full term for the new alignment of justices.  While one term is not enough to predict the future, it seems that we have a 2-3-1-2-1 court with Justices Thomas and Alito on the far right with the three Trump justices (it is unclear where they line up and there are some weird issues where they flip) on the right,  Chief Justice Roberts on the center-right, Justices Breyer and Kagan on the center-left and Justice Sotomayor on the left.

As noted in pervious years, the Supreme Court follows a routine during their sittings of four week cycles (a/k/a argument sessions).  In Week 1, the Supreme Court issues an “order list” on Monday , holds arguments on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, and meets in a conference on Friday.  The same thing occurs in Week 2.  In Week 3, there is an order list issued on Monday.  Finally, in Week 4, the Supreme Court meets in a conference on Friday.  At the conference, the Supreme Court reviews that weeks arguments (if any) and takes a tentative vote on each of the cases.  Based on that vote, the senior justice in the majority (either the Chief Justice or the longest serving Associate Justice) gets to decide which justice gets the opinion.  Also at the conference, the Supreme Court reviews some of the pending petitions for certiorari (the formal name for an application seeking Supreme Court review of a lower court decision).  (If a justice believes that an application potentially should be granted, it is added to the agenda for the weekly conference.  If no justice believes that an application should be granted, it is denied.)  During the first half of the term, the Supreme Court tends to announce grants of certiorari immediately after the conference to give the parties three more days to complete their written legal arguments (called briefs).   The Monday order list includes any grants not previously announced, some summary reversals (which is supposed to be limited to lower court decisions that are so clearly wrong that further argument is not needed), and, mostly, denials of certiorari.  As noted above, most cases are denied at the initial conference (and the Supreme Court website contains a feature that allows you to run a docket search on a case to see its current status).  In recent years, if the Supreme Court is interested in a case, the justices have typically “relisted” the case for a second conference to make sure that there is no procedural flaw that will prevent consideration of the main issue.  While the Supreme Court typically has a four-week cycle, the December and January sessions tend to have a six week cycle (to push the January sitting past New Year’s Day and to get the February session past the worst part of winter).   If there are opinions on argued cases, they can be announced at any time but usually are announced immediately before the Tuesday and Wednesday arguments.    The Supreme Court calendar features seven argument sessions.  After the last argument session, May and June are spent finalizing the remaining opinions from the year.  After the Supreme Court releases its last opinion, they recess for the summer.  Even during the summer recess, there are still some orders — periodic order lists addressing motions for rehearing (which are routinely denied) and miscellaneous orders on emergency application).

As noted above, during the argument sessions, there are six days set for argument (unless a holiday falls on one of those six days).  On a typical day, there are two arguments (of approximately one hour each) in the morning.  Rarely, there are additional afternoon arguments.  More often, there is only one argument on a day.  The argument docket for a month tends to be released approximately two months prior to the argument.    There are currently nine cases set for October and nine cases set for November. Continue Reading...

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The Texas Abortion Law and the Supreme Court

As is typically the case with legal news, it is very possible to follow the main stream media and get a very inaccurate perception of what is happening in the courts.  This misreporting isn’t intentional, it’s just that most reporters are not lawyers and thus miss the details that matter.  This past week, the United States Supreme Court denied a stay application related to a new Texas statute that bars abortion after the sixth week of a pregnancy and allows private individuals to enforce that bar by filing a civil case against anybody who aided the woman in getting the abortion — with the remedy being a $10,000.00 payment from the defendant to the person bringing the case.  Given the news coverage, I have three comments.

First, most of the impact of the law will come from its nuisance value.  The actual age of a fetus is an estimate.  Barring some other method that gives a more accurate estimate, gestational age is estimated based on a woman’s last menstrual period (which assumes a regular menstrual cycle and not all women have a regular cycle).    Even the woman herself may not know the exact date of conception (unless she only had sex once since her last period).    And in the early stages of pregnancy (and most abortions occur in the first trimester), it is impossible for the average person to know the gestational age of the fetus by simply looking at the woman.  So unless the woman tells her friend who is driving her to the doctor’s office that she is ten weeks pregnant, the friend will have no idea that the gestational age is beyond six weeks.  While I haven’t read the full statute, it seems at first glance that it will be hard for plaintiffs to win.  But, particularly for abortion providers, the new statute will mean that they are regularly in court with significant legal expenses and average people might be reluctant to help their friends given the expense of defending against these claims.

Second, the empowering of private citizens to bring claims on behalf of the government is not new.  The exact way that these cases will work might have some new wrinkles, but there is an established legal procedure known as qui tam (a shortened title for a latin phrase that translate as “he who sues in this matter on behalf of the king as well as for himself”).  As the reference to the king in the translation hints, this procedure is quite old.  Usually, in the U,S., qui tam statutes involve allowing those with inside information to bring fraud claims on behalf of the government.    If certain legal requirements are met, the successful qui tam plaintiff splits the recovery with the government.  Even without the precedent of qui tam, however, it is clear that any legal claim is state action for the purpose of constitutional law which is why libel suits are restricted by the First Amendment. Continue Reading...

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