Monthly Archives: January 2022

Redistricting 2022

The legislative part of redistricting is almost complete.  Only nine states are still in the process of drafting the “first” set of maps.  (Tw of those nine states are my home state of Missouri and the neighboring state of Kansas.  In both states, the maps are through one house of the legislature and are under consideration in the second house.)  In three states (Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin), the first set of maps defaulted to the courts when the legislatures and the governors were unable to agree on the new maps.

But in the remaining states, the maps have been adopted.  And that means that the battle over the maps has moved to the courts.  At this point, I am aware of three states in which we have rulings about the new maps.  Two of them are no surprise, or, at least, not much of a surprise.  In Ohio, the Ohio Supreme Court found that the map passed by the Ohio legislature violated the Ohio Constitutions rules on redistricting which bars drawing a map which unduly favors one political party or unduly splits political subdivisions.  In North Carolina, the North Carolina Supreme Court has under review an initial decision upholding the maps drawn by the North Carolina legislature.  The North Carolina Supreme Court will hear arguments on February 2.  Right now, it looks more likely than not that the North Carolina Supreme Court will strike down the map in that state.

The surprise on the list might be Alabama.  Alabama was not on the list of states that we looked at last year.  The failure to do so caused us to miss a change in demography within the state.  For the last several cycles, there has been one minority-majority district in western Alabama (the Seventh District).  In previous decades, the consensus was that — even though approximately one-quarter of the state is African-American — the minority population was too dispersed to creeate a second district that would either be a minority-majority district or close enough to qualify as an influence district.   (Part of the theory of the case is that the new districts dilute the influence of African-Americans in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act or is a racial gerrymander in violation of the Equal Protection Clasue.)  After the last census, however, it appears that by placing Birmingham in one district (the Seventh District) and Montgomery in a separate district in the southern part of the state, you could get two minority-majority districts (or at least two districts that would qualify as influence districts).  For now, the panel of judges hearing the Voting Rights Act case has ordered that Alabama will not be allowed to use the new maps pending a final decision (and has given Alabama thirty days to submit replacement maps or the court will draw maps for this election cycle).  Alabama has asked the Supreme Court to put this ruling on hold, and the Supreme Court has asked the plaintiffs for a response by February 2. Continue Reading...

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GOP chooses four finalists for 2024 convention

And then there were four:

The cities in contention are Milwaukee, Nashville, Pittsburgh and Salt Lake City, according to a person familiar with the search process. Party officials are planning to visit each of the locations over the coming months before finalizing a decision in the spring.

.. Continue Reading...

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Nashville in, Kansas City out, for 2024 GOP Convention

Nashville throws its hat into the ring:

Nashville Convention & Visitors Corp. officials formally submitted the bid Dec. 8 to the Republican National Committee. That came after Republican Gov. Bill Lee’s office earlier requested they do so, the convention group’s president and CEO, Butch Spyridon, confirmed in a statement to the Times Free Press earlier this month.

Lee’s office also asked the visitor bureau to seek bid specifications from the Democratic National Committee, which has yet to provide them, according to Bonna Johnson, the Nashville convention bureau’s vice president of corporate communications. Continue Reading...

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Covid and the Supreme Court

While many of us were enjoying time off for end-of-year holidays, the United States Supreme Court added extra work for several lawyers.   On December 22, the Supreme Court issued two orders in four cases involving two of the Biden Administration’s vaccine mandates — one involving health care workers and one involving large employers.  In these orders, the Supreme Court granted review and set the cases for expedited argument this upcoming Friday (January 7).   There are several issues worthy of comment on this order.  The first comment is a little “inside baseball.”  The other has to do with what is really happening here as oppose to how the media might comment on this case.

Starting with the inside baseball part of this issue, over the past several years, there has been growing criticism of how the Supreme Court is using the “shadow” docket.  The shadow docket is a reference to applications for stays of lower court rulings (or alternatively a request that the Supreme Court issue a temporary injunction that the lower court refused to issue).   If the application is completely frivolous, it can be denied quickly by an order.  If there is some merit, the Supreme Court might request a response.  After receiving the response, the Supreme Court typically resolves the application by an order or a brief unsigned “per curiam” opinion.  Unless some justice opts to file a concurring or dissenting opinion, the order or opinion does not note the votes of the justices.  All that we know is that, at least five justices, agreed with the order or opinion.  These cases are typically resolved without full briefing or argument.  As some significant issues have come through the shadow docket over the past several years, this process has come under some criticism.  This year, we have seen the Supreme Court opt to grant argument on three separate occasions to matters arising from the shadow docket — first on a question about ministers in the execution chamber (argued but still awaiting a decision), second on the ability to challenge the Texas abortion statute, and now on the Biden vaccine mandates.  In the first two cases, the parties did get to submit full briefs on an expedited basis.  That is not so for the vaccine mandates.  While, maybe, the Supreme Court would have gone this right under any circumstances, clearly the fact that the shadow docket is starting to become an issue is something that the Supreme Court has to be concerning to the justices.  Perhaps, the Supreme Court will continue to hold expedited argument on major issues arising on the shadow docket to avoid Congress taking action.  Only time will tell.

Turning to the merits, while the media will focus on these cases being about vaccine mandates, that framing is misleading at best and wrong in many respects.  While the cases do involve a challenge to vaccine mandates, the legal issues have very little to do with vaccine mandates.  There is no claim in these cases that vaccine mandates violate the rights of anybody.   Cases asserting a right to not be vaccinated have uniformly been rejected.  (To be blunt, those cases demonstrate the hypocrisy of the right wing of the Republican Party.  At the same time that they are asking the court to overturn Roe vs. Wade, they are bringing these cases asserting a right to bodily autonomy that depend largely on Roe.)  Instead, these cases involve two other issues. Continue Reading...

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