Monthly Archives: September 2019

Supreme Court Preview: October 2019 Term (Part IV) (EDIT — 10/5)

As noted in Part I, the Supreme Court has yet to issue the calendar for its January argument session.  However, for the first time in several years, the Supreme Court has ten cases left over after the December argument session; so there are enough cases already granted to fill the five days of argument in January 2020.  There is a chance that the Supreme Court might bump some of these cases to one of the later argument sessions, but — for each of these cases — it is more likely than not that they will be heard in January.

Among the cases set for argument, you have the following issues:  1) can the beneficiary of a pension plan seek relief for misconduct by the plan managers without first proving that they have suffered actual loss; 2) whether changes to the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (governing when foreign governments can or can’t be sued in U.S. courts) are retroactive; and 3) whether federal employees claiming that the federal government discriminated against them due to age must — similar to private employees — prove that age was a “but for” cause of the adverse employment decision.

There are three potentially big cases for January.  First, there is Kelly vs. United States.  This is the “bridgegate” case from New Jersey.  The ultimate issue is whether a public official who uses false statements to create the pretense that their order to employees is legal is guilty of defrauding the government (by wasting public resources). Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Term Preview: October 2019 (Part III)

As noted in Part I and Part II of this series, there are some very big cases in the first two months of the upcoming Supreme Court term — the applicability of Title VII to sexual orientation and issues related to the board managing Puerto Rico’s debt in October and DACA in November.  Likewise, December has a big case — maybe.

That big case — New York State Rifle and Pistol Association vs. City of New York — is currently set on the first day of the December argument session.  At issue is a New York City ordinance which limits the transportation of firearms by gunowners.  The corporate gun lobby has pushed a Second Amendment challenge to this ordinance. Now, for the catch.  When the Supreme Court took this case, New York City and New York State saw the writing on the wall with this Court.  The original ordinance probably went too far even for those who want tighter restrictions on the sale of handguns.  So New York City repealed the original ordinance and passed a new less restrictive ordinance, and New York State passed legislation clarifying the powers of cities in this matter.  Because the ordinance being challenged no longer exists, the City wants the Supreme Court to dismiss the case as there is no longer a live “controversy” — and under the Constitution the Supreme Court can only hear “cases and controversies.”  There are exceptions which allow a court to review repealed statutes and, one of the issues at the October 1 term opening conference is whether to dismiss this case or keep it on the calendar for argument.

The second case on December 2 involves how copyright law applies to government documents.  Generally speaking, past decisions hold that governments are not allowed to copyright judicial opinions or statutes.  So, any person can go to the library (or an internet site) and copy a judicial opinion or a statute and then establish their own internet site (or publish and sell their own books) containing those opinions or statutes.  This limitation on government copyrights assure that the public has access to the decisions of their government.  One of the things that publishers do to enhance value is create “annotated” copies of statutes — a version in which each statute is followed by a series of notes setting forth the cases that have considered that statute and what those cases have held.  For the most part, these annotated versions are created by private companies.  Georgia, however, has an official copy of its annotated statutes.  The issue is — since a state can’t copyright its statutes or court cases — whether a state can copyright an annotated version of its statutes.  Many of the main legal publishing companies have filed briefs generally in support of Georgia (for fear that a holding in favor of the public interest groups in this case might eventually be used to attack their copyrights on their annotations as well). Continue Reading...

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And Now Our Work Begins

Yeah,  I know. You’re thrilled that there’s a formal inquiry. You use the word “comeuppance” in your mind. You want to rally in the streets.

STOP

NOW Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Term Preview — October 2019 (Part II)

As noted in the first part of this series, the highlights of the four-day October argument session are full days devoted to whether the term “sex” in Title VII includes sexual orientation (which might also lead to similar interpretations for other provisions barring discrimination in contexts other than employment) and to the board managing Puerto Rico’s financial issues.  With Veteran’s Day falling on a Monday this year, the November session will only have five argument days — the highlight of which will be DACA day.

DACA is not the only immigration issue in the November argument session.  The first case to be heard in that session in November 4 — Barton vs. Barr is also an immigration case.  That case involves the rules governing deportation.  Overly simplified, certain conduct authorize deportation.  However, an immigration judge can decide to cancel deportation under some circumstances.  One of those circumstances is that the immigrant has been a permanent resident for at least five years and has continuously resided in the United States for seven years.  However, for purposes of calculating that time period, that time stops when the immigrant commits an offense that would render them inadmissible.  The issue presented in Barton is whether a person who is not seeking admission can be rendered inadmissible.  (The paragraph governing “time stops” applies to both the provisions governing lawful permanent residents — who do not need to seek admission — and other immigrants like visa holders who do need to seek admission.  That same paragraph also stops the clock from running if the immigrant commits an offense that renders them removable — a concept that would apply to both lawful permanent residents and to visa holders.)  There is a logical argument for reading the paragraph in both ways, and this case will give a hint about how strictly this Court will read current immigration laws.

The other case on November 4 is a criminal law — Kansas v. Glover — case involving “reasonable suspicion.”  To grossly simplify matters, law enforcement can detain somebody for a brief period to investigate possible criminal activity including traffic offenses if they have “reasonable suspicion” that a crime is being committed.  A reasonable suspicion is basically objective reason(s) that lead the officer to believe that a crime might be in progress.  Here, the exact issue is whether the fact that the owner of a motor vehicle has a suspended license is a sufficient reason to justify stopping that vehicle to see if the owner is driving.  (In this case, the owner was driving, but the issue is not whether the officer was right.  Instead, the issue is whether the inference that the owner was driving is a reasonable inference for the officer to make.)  As you may have noticed, this case is the third criminal law-related case coming from Kansas.   The vast majority of the cases heard by the Supreme Court come from the federal courts.  Last year, the Supreme Court only took ten cases from state appellate courts, and — depending upon how you characterize some of the cases — only six involved criminal-law related issues.   For the Supreme Court to grant certiorari on three appeals from the same state in the same term is highly unusual and rarely happens even for larger states like Texas and California.  For a small state like Kansas, that is highly unusual.  On the other hand, Kansas has been gaining a reputation for loosely applying prior Supreme Court decisions (mostly in cases in which the Kansas Supreme Court has found that something about the state’s death penalty system violates the federal constitution), and Kansas has been involved in at least three major Supreme Court cases over the past twenty years. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Term Preview — October 2019 Term (Part I)

It’s that time of year again.  October 7 is the First Monday in October meaning that the Justices of the United States Supreme Court will be back in D.C. for another term of arguments.  This term is a little bit unusual for recent terms in that — when the Supreme Court had left for the summer — they had already granted review in enough cases to fill the first four (October, November, December, and January) argument sessions.  Recently, the Supreme Court has had trouble granting enough cases to fill the first three argument sessions and have had (at most) one or two cases left over for January when they meet at the end of September to begin adding cases.

(For a little explanation of what I mean about argument sessions and filling them.   From October through April, the Supreme Court has seven argument sessions.  Each session consists of arguments on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday — excluding any federal or religious holidays.  A “normal” argument day consists of two arguments on two cases.  Ech argument is one hour split evenly between the two-sides although time is often allocated to the Solicitor General to express the government’s position.  Typically, there is a two-week gap between each argument session except for longer breaks after the December and maybe January session.  A Supreme Court case has two rounds of written arguments.  The first round is an application to the Supreme Court to take a case — officially called a petition for writ of certiorari.  These pleadings have relatively short page limits and are designed mostly to explain why the case is important enough for the court to take.  While there are time limits on these pleadings, the Supreme Court is relatively liberal about granting extensions.  If the Supreme Court decides to grant review, there is a second round of written arguments on the merits of the case followed by the oral argument.    The time limits to complete the second round of written arguments is approximately 105 days or 10 days before oral argument whichever is earliest — and extensions are almost unheard of.  Thus, oral argument has to be at least three months after the case is accepted for full briefing and argument — and four is better.  So, any case heard in the first three months has to be accepted before the Supreme Court recesses at the end of June,  And once the Supreme Court returns, any January cases have to be accepted by the end of the October session, etc. until all of the cases for this year’s term have to be accepted by the end of the January session.  Any case accepted after January is for the next year’s term barring an unusual case in which the Supreme Court orders accelerated briefing like what happened last term on the Census case.)

At this point in time, the Supreme Court has issued its argument calendars for the October, November, and December argument sessions.  While it has not yet released the calendar for the January session, it is likely that most of the remaining accepted cases will be heard in January (although some add-ons from cases accepted in October is possible).  Each of the first three parts of this series will focus on one argument session with the fourth part focusing on the cases left over for likely January argument and possible cases that might be granted for the rest of the term.  Any attempt to guess what is likely to be granted is highly speculative.  The Supreme Court accepts about 1% of the cases for actual full review.  Even weeding out the significant amount of long shot petitions, the strongest cases have — at most — a 1 in 10 shot at being granted review. Continue Reading...

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Country vs. Party (not what you think…)

As “not-Republicans”, many of us are bewildered and angered by the fact rank and file Republicans support what the Republican Party has become – a belief system of hate, devoid of science. Many people who were party Democrats for many years have adopted the attitude that they will vote for any Democrat in 2020 because the 45 regime is different from everything else, and must be vanquished, but, they are not so sure about the rest of the Democrats because there are Democrats who cannot be trusted to put country above party either. Many of these folks in Pennsylvania would give up their Democratic registration in a heartbeat if open primaries were enacted.

The story I’m about to tell you is a microcosm of that, and before I begin, I need to state that I am part-owner of this blog. Other than that, I am a private citizen. Therefore, I have First Amendment rights to write what I want here so long as I adhere to the Code of Journalistic Ethics to which my partners and I are committed,  and I do not libel anyone.

Here in Chester County, we have local elections this November. These elections are both countywide (County Commissioner, District Attorney, “Row Offices”) and hyperlocal Boards. For those of you who don’t live around here “Row Offices” are jobs that in many places are filled by people who are hired because of their expertise: like Treasurer, Comptroller, Coroner, etc. Here, they are political positions, even though the work should be devoid of politics. For example, the office headed by the elected “Coroner” evaluates human passing, irrespective of political registration, or lack thereof. Continue Reading...

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The End of Capitalism?

In looking at the 2020 presidential candidates, one of the considerations is whether someone is “a capitalist” or “a socialist”. But we might be using the wrong lens for evaluation, because there is a chance that no matter who wins the election, and what kind of economic changes are enacted, capitalism may well be dying of natural causes.

Actual capitalism isn’t inherently bad, but the evolution of capitalism into corporatism is a disaster in all regards, and is hastening the death of capitalism in addition to the underlying trends making basic capitalism unsustainable.

Let’s take a simple example. You and I go into the chair business. You are a great carpenter, and make beautiful, sturdy wooden chairs. I market and sell them. We do well. And then we do TOO well – more people want our chairs than you can build. So, we hire a couple other carpenters and a couple trainees from a vocational program. Things are great until even MORE people want our chairs. We don’t have the cash flow to hire more people, so we issue stock. Not a unicorn IPO, but rather we go to friends and family and ask, basically, for a loan. If they will give us money to build our business, we will repay them as the business grows. They buy our stock, and we pay them dividends. As business owners, we realize that to buy our chairs, we need good trainees to teach as our business goes, and we need roads to deliver them, and infrastructure, so we gladly pay our taxes. We pay our employees well because we need them to be able to afford the chairs they produce. (Go read about Henry Ford’s approach on this.) This is fundamental capitalism, and it’s a win-win. Continue Reading...

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What Will Mike Pompeo Do?

Prior to Mr.  Narcissist becoming President, Mike Pompeo was an up and coming Congressman from Kansas about to start his fourth term in what (up to that point) had been the very conservative but not completely bonkers wing of the Republican Party.  Since 2017, Mike Pompeo has been one of the handful; of “responsible adults” in the Trump Administration’s foreign policy establishment.  (Responsible in the sense that these individuals are not willing to dump our allies and cozy up to authoritarian regimes.)

Mike Pompeo is now facing a choice about what next that may have a key impact on who controls the U.S. Senate in 2021.  Back in 2014, Senator Pat Roberts had a tough race for his fourth Senate term — only getting 48% of the vote in the primary and 53% in the general election.  While Senator Roberts is a traditional conservative, that’s not conservative enough for many Kansas Republicans.  (For almost three decades, there has been a civil war in the Kansas Republican Party between very conservative Republicans and traditional conservatives.  The main success of the Kansas Democratic Party has come when the Kansas Republicans have picked candidates who are too conservative thereby driving moderates to vote for the Democratic candidate.)  For 2020, Senator Roberts has seen the writing on the wall and had opted to retire rather than face another nasty primary that he probably would have lost.

At this point, multiple candidates have expressed interest in running in the Republican primary for this seat including Spawn of Satan Kris Kobach.  As you may recall, the last time we saw Spawn of Satan, he was losing the governor’s race to Democrat Laura Kelly.  Many in the Senate Republican leadership and in the Kansas Republican Party fear that, if Kobach wins the Republican nomination (highly likely in a split field), a Democrat could actually win the Kansas Senate race.  Looking for a white knight savior, they think that Mike Pompeo would fit the bill, either driving most of the other candidates from the race or at least having enough name recognition and support to get most of the non-Kobach votes. Continue Reading...

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