Tag Archives: Appointments Clause

Supreme Court — October Term 2022 Preview (Part 1)

It’s that time of year again.  After upending the Constitution at the end of the 2021-22 term in June, the Supreme Court begins its 2022-23 term in just over a week.

A quick refresher.  From October through late April/Early May., the Supreme Court will have seven two-week argument sessions.  With the exception of extended breaks after the “December” and January argument sessions, the typical schedule is two weeks of arguments followed by a two-week recess.  In most of the weeks, the Supreme Court will have arguments on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday (except when one of those days is holiday — either legal or religious).  On argument days, the Supreme Court will usually hear two cases in the morning.  (That “usual” is very flexible.  With the declining number of cases granted in recent years, we have been seeing more single argument days.  Additionally, if there is a very complex case, they might give that case extended time and limit themselves to one case.  Rarer is having enough cases that they also schedule an afternoon argument.)  They will then meet in a “conference” on Friday to discuss the cases heard that week and to consider petitions for review (officially called petitions for certiorari).  They also meet in a conference on the Friday before the argument session to consider petitions for review.  Orders on the petitions for review are released on the Monday after the conference.  In discussing the cases heard, the Supreme Court will take a tentative vote and the “senior justice in the majority” (either the Chief Justice or the longest serving Associate Justice) will assign one of the justices to write an opinion. Opinions can be released at any time after the argument.

The October argument session (and the term) officially begins on the first Monday in October (October 3, this year).  They will meet in the “long conference” to kick off the term on September 28.  (It is called the long conference because petitions for review have been piling up since the last conference of the 2021-22 back in late June.) Continue Reading...

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The Supreme Court and the War on the New Deal

Back when I was in law school, the fringier aspects of conservative legal thought were laying the ground work for attacking several key doctrines of the New Deal.  Now those fringier elements are at the core of the conservative theory, and we are seeing the fruits of those efforts.  This week, there were several key decisions by the Supreme Court in cases dealing with the “Administrative State” and labor unions.

Prior to the New Deal, the Supreme Court had stood in the way of attempts empower executive branch agencies.  By the 1940s, the Supreme Court had made several key decisions that allowed independent agencies and executive branch departments to operate.  These decisions included:  1) limiting the scope of the non-delegation doctrine (the doctrine that Congress could not delegate the power to make laws to administrative agencies); 2) deference to the decisions of executive branch agencies; 3) the  existence of independent agencies (agencies whose heads could only be removed for cause); and 4) quasi-judicial administrative hearings in which “administrative law judges” reviewed the claims of parties with their decisions reviewed by courts rather than political appointees.  In recent years, we have seen cases calling into question all of these doctrines.  This week, we got decisions in two cases involving two of these issues.

Up first is Collins.  This case, in which Justice Alito wrote the majority opinion, is the latest involving the independence of executive branch agency heads.  For certain agencies, Congress has attempted to protect the agencies from political interference by giving the agency head a set term with the president only being able to remove that appointee for cause.  This case involves some of the reforms enacted in response to the mortgage crisis.  The specific statute created the Federal Housing Finance Agency as part of the rescue of two private companies — the Federal National Mortgage Association (Fannie Mae) and the Federal Home Loan Mortgage Association (Freddie Mac) — to oversee those two corporations.  The agency is managed by a single director who is removable for cause.  Part of this director’s authority is to act as a receiver for these two organizations.   In that capacity, the director negotiated changes to the terms of the loan that the U.S. Treasury made to Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae.  Because these two organizations are technically private organization (although chartered by the federal government to serve specific roles in the housing market), they have private investors who sued to challenge the renegotiated agreement.  Following up on prior decisions, the Supreme Court continued its war on limitations on the power of the president to remove an  agency head.  At some point, this war will have serious policy impact when a president chooses to remove an agency head for following the law and replaces that agency head with somebody who will not follow the law. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — Two Weeks to Go

As I noted in my post on Thursday’s decisions, we are nearing the end of the active part of the Supreme Court term.  (Technically, the term starts in October, but the Supreme Court is in recess over the summer barring any emergency case.)  While the Supreme Court does not list opinion days far in advance, they have fifteen argued cases left to decide.  Based on past practice, we are likely looking at four to six opinion days over the next two weeks to wrap everything up — likely Monday of both weeks and Thursday of this week with the other dates depending on when things are ready.

The easy part of this post is that the Supreme Court has now wrapped up October and November.  And we have most of the cases from December and January.    But this year’s docket offers several complications.  First, while the Supreme Court tries to keep each month’s opinion assignments balanced (and the term as a whole balanced), we have multiple months with fewer than nine opinions.  Second, we have several unsigned opinions from December and two opinions that covered multiple argued cases.  Third, Justice Barrett did not start until the November docket.  Based on what we know, there should be six opinions per justice (54 signed opinions for the term.)  As Justice Thomas has seven opinions, it looks like Justice Barrett will only have five opinions.

October and November had 18 cases which should have meant two opinions per justice which held true for every justice except Justice Breyer who had three opinions and Justice Barrett had one opinion which seems to reflect that Justice Breyer picked up the extra October opinion that would have gone to Justice Barrett.  (Justice Breyer may end up with seven opinions and somebody may have lost an opinion in light of Justice Thomas’s seven opinions or the court might just have altered who got the extra case as the term went along.) Continue Reading...

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