Tag Archives: 2018 mid-term elections

2018 Mid-Term Election Preview — What to look for on election night?

There are two major factors that drive the reporting of results on election night.  First, the U.S. is one of the few countries with a significant East-West width.  This fact, combined with state autonomy, means that, unlike a Germany or United Kingdom, we have staggered poll closing times (ranging from 6 p.m. EST in parts of Kentucky and Indiana to 1 a.m. EST in parts of Alaska).  Second, even with recent improvement in vote counting technology, there is (even with the same state) delays in reporting results that lead to precinct results being released throughout the evening due to:  1) processing all the people who were in line to vote at the official poll closing time; 2) getting the electronic vote counting devices from the individual precincts to the county/parish/township counting center; 3) downloading all of those devices into the counting center’s computer (obviously more precincts in urban counties = longer to download all of the data); and 4) reporting those results to the media and the state election authority.

Given that it takes hours to get near full counts (and days or weeks to get full counts), the news media uses “cheats” to project races as early as possible.  The two main cheats are somewhat related.  First, at least for state-wide races in state’s expected to be crucial, the media conducts exit polls at key precincts.  (These precincts are chosen to provide enough of all key demographic groups based on past voting history, along with weighting formulas based on past history adjusted by reweighting based on actual turnout.)  Second, the media relies on past history as far as how the parties have performed in counties and precincts in the past.  (The media has the advantage of having all of the relevant data pre-digested.)  For both “cheats,”   the question is how the early reporting precincts differ from what is expected.  If the exit polls show the Republicans “underperforming” in rural precincts by three percent, and the early precincts show a similar result in those precincts those results “confirms” that the exit polls are close.  Similarly, in a D+5 state, if the early results show that Democratic candidate is doing 5% better than the norm for those precincts in that state, that is a pretty good sign that the Democratic candidate is going to win.   Because most average people lack the media’s ease of access to this data, we are sort of in the position of having to reverse engineer things.

For the most part, there is no need to pay close attention before 9:00 p.m. EST.  Nine states (ten if you count Florida which is mostly closed at 7:00 p.m. EST) are closed before 8:00 p.m. EST.  And, for the reason noted above, it takes about an hour before a decent share of precincts start reporting.  (In some states, early vote results get released pretty quickly after the polls close, but you still need enough time to get a concept of how many people voted on election day and how much election day results seem to differ from early voting).  The 2016 election gave us a good clue on what we should be looking for — particularly given that we are looking at 435 individual house districts, 35 Senate seats, and 36 governor’s races.  In 2016, at the start of the evening, there were a significant number of states that were close enough that the media waited before calling.  However, as the evening progressed, the lean Republican states were being called for Trump while the lean Democratic states stayed to close to call. Continue Reading...

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2018 Mid-term Elections — Pacific Coast

After starting in the Northeast with Maine. we finally reach the West Coast.  Given the number of Congressional seats in California, the West Coast will be a key part of any Democratic majority in the U.S. House.  The bad news, however, is that there are so few Republican seats left here (approximately 20 seats total), that the gains will be rather minimal as a percentage of the total seats available (71 seats).

In Washington, it looks like Democrats will keep the U.S. Senate seat by a comfortable margin.  In the House, Washington is one of two states (California being the other) with a top-two primary.  In practical terms, that creates the possibility that both candidates could be Democrats, both candidates could be Republican, or that the second candidate is an independent or third-party candidate.  Of the ten seats in Washington, Republicans were  shut out of the general election in two seats, leaving eight seats where a Republican will face a Democrat.  Republicans currently hold four seats.  Right now, the Democrats are slight favorites in the Eighth, underdogs in the Third, and have an outside chance in the Fifth (currently held by the highest ranking Republican woman in Congress, Cathy McMorris Rogers).

In Oregon, the Democratic governor is a slight favorite in her bid for re-election but this race is too close for comfort.  Democrats control four of the five U.S. House seats in Oregon, but the one Republican seat is so red that it is unlikely that the Democrats will win that seat. Continue Reading...

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2018 Mid-Term Election Preview — The South

The South is probably the region in which there are the fewest competitive races in the country.  The extreme gerrymandering in these states means that outside of Texas, competitive House races are practically non-existent.

Starting with Alabama, while the governor’s mansion and seven U.S. House seats are on the ballot, none of these races currently look close.  This should not be a surprise to anybody.  While Doug Jones was winning the U.S. Senate seat in a close race last year, he only carried one of the Alabama’s seven congressional districts.  With Republican incumbents running in the six districts that Roy Moore carried and none of them a known bigoted pervert, Democrats are not expected to win any of these seats.  Despite the corruption that led to the prior Republican governor resigning, and Kay Ivey taking over last year, the expectation is that Kay Ivey will hold the seat by a comfortable margin.

In Mississippi, the Republicans hold a 3-1 advantage in U.S. House seats now and there is no reason to expect that to change after the election.  There are two Senate races on the ballot.  In the regular election, Republican Roger Wicker should be re-elected.  The interest race is the special election.  Like some other states, Mississippi holds a “jungle primary” (really a general election with a potential run-off) in which all candidates  from all parties run against each other.  Barring a major surprise, this race is headed to a run-off.  And, while Mike Espy is likely to make the run-off, he is unlikely to get his preferred opponent.  There is always a chance that in a lower turnout run-off that Mike Espy might defy expectations and win this seat, but — if this seat becomes important in light of the other results on election day — the money that would pour into Mississippi would make that difficult. Continue Reading...

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2018 Mid-term Election Preview — Atlantic South

There is an old joke about Pennsylvania that (at least politically) it is Pittsburgh and Philadelphia with Alabama in the middle.  The same joke, in many ways, can be made about the five southern states that border the Atlantic Coast, particularly Virginia, North Carolina, and Florida.  All three states are divided between regions that very much resemble the Democratic areas in the Northeast and Pacific Coast, and regions that are very much still the rural South.  These divisions have made all three states very purplish at the state level and have made the drawing of district lines very crucial to the race for Congress.

Starting with Virginia, Tim Kaine has a solid lead against the Confederate Republican nominee Corey Stewart.   The real battle in Virginia will be for House seats.  Democrats currently hold four seats (out of eleven seats).  Democrats are currently looking at taking anywhere between one and four seats.  The key to Democratic growth in Virginia has been the D.C. suburbs and the Republican disrespect for any type of expertise.   These districts are a model of how Trump is driving moderate Republicans to the Democratic Party.

In North Carolina, Republicans in the state legislature have stated that the current map was drawn as it is (a 10-3 Republican advantage) because it was impossible to draw a map that would have allowed the Republicans to reliably win eleven seats.  While the local federal court struck down the current map less than two months ago, there was not enough time to redraw the lines for this year (and the Supreme Court would probably have intervened if the judges had tried).  Fighting against this stacked deck, the Democrats have a decent shot at one seat due to Republican divisions in that district (the incumbent lost in the Republican primary).  There are two other districts were, with good results, the Democrats might be able to pick up the seat.  Like Virginia, North Carolina is another state where the hostility of the Republican Party to basic science is driving college educated votes associated with is research corridor into the Democratic Party. Continue Reading...

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