Tag Archives: Iowa Caucuses

Technology and the Caucus States

By now, everyone has heard of the problems with the app that the Iowa Democratic Party purchased to aid in getting the caucus results.

First, I don’t believe that there was anything sinister with the provider of the app.  Yes, the company that makes the app has connections to people working for several of the campaigns and the Obama Administration.  But the world of political consultants is rather small.  Political parties need data bases to track voters and contacts in the various precincts and counties; so they tend to have relationship with certain software providers who have divided that type of information.  And political campaigns need that same type of data; so they are likely to have connections to the same consultants.  Some of the features needed for keeping an up-to-date list of voters and tracking the likely Democrats in each precinct (and updating based on canvasses) would seem to be comparable to what is needed to run caucuses and get results.  In any case, the process includes a paper “back-up” that has to be verified by the local representatives of each campaign.  So, while mistakes were made, to support a conspiracy theory, you would need to imply a lot of plants in all of the campaigns in the right locations.

Second, what does seem to have happened as a common tech problem.  As a government attorney, I have seen multiple generations of case management systems.  While the programming is beyond me, successful new systems have several things in common.  After getting the basic parameters, the programmers design a program to meet the requirements.  A bunch of internal alpha testers then sit down and try to use the system.  Their comments on what works and what doesn’t work then lead to revisions designed to fix any bugs in the software and make the system more user friendly.  Then you recruit beta testers from the pool of people who will have to use the system once it goes live.  Again, updates are made based on the comments from the beta testers.  Then the system is rolled out gradually starting with some pilot counties or pilot units within the office.  This gradual rollout allows training of small groups of users and a chance to fix the system when the real world experience doesn’t match the testing.   It may take eight or nine months (or even longer for something going to every county in a large state) before the system is running in every county and every office.  While there are certainly target dates, there are no absolute deadline.  So if things go poorly in the pilot counties, you can take the time to fix the problem.  (For example, when my state went to an electronic filing system for court pleadings, it took three to four years to get to 100+ counties.  And this gradual process allowed the trainers to spend two to three months with court staff in each county and to offer multiple training opportunities to attorneys.   Since my practice at the time involved multiple counties, by the middle of the process, I was used to using the system in half of my counties and couldn’t wait for the rest of the counties to get the system.) Continue Reading...

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Who Wins Iowa?

No, this post is not about which candidate I believe will actually win Iowa.  Rather, it is about how the networks will report the result in Iowa this evening.

As discussed in last week’s post on delegate math,  the delegate selection plan for Iowa has the Iowa Democratic Party reporting three separate counts from tonight’s caucuses.  And it will be interesting to see how the media treats these numbers in assessing the results.

The first count is the initial preference votes from the precinct caucuses.  This vote is the vote that most accurately reflects the support that each candidate has and is the closest thing to the votes in other states (excluding those with ranked-choice voting).  In years past, this number has not been available to the media.  There are strong arguments for using this number in determining who “won” Iowa. Continue Reading...

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Iowa Caucus 2020 Rules — First Look

Part of the changes in the DNC Call for the 2020 Convention and National Delegate Selection Rules were provisions governing the caucus states.  In past cycles, the results in states which used caucuses as their delegate selection process but also used a later non-binding primary showed two things.  First, significantly more people participated in the non-binding primary.  Second, the voters in the non-binding primary had different preferences than those who attended the caucuses.  Additionally, the rules in some of the caucus states created an opportunity for “mischief” at the later levels of the delegate selection process permitting a well-organized campaign to win additional delegates at those later levels and costing a poorly-organized campaigns delegates that they had apparently won on caucus nights.  The new rules attempted to address these “problems”  In particular, Rule 2.K of the Delegate Selection Rules includes requirements that caucus state have a procedure for early or absentee votes in the caucus, have a mechanism to allow participation by those who are unable to attend their local caucus at the time and location set for the local caucus, a means for reporting the “statewide and district level results for each candidate based on the first expression of preference by the participants” in the first level of caucuses; and require that “the allocation of all national delegates, be locked in at the final expression of preference” in the first level of caucuses.  However, Rule 14.B and Rule 14.E seem to suggest that caucus states might still be able a later level as the determining step.  (In primary states, these same rules require using the primary vote.)

In 2016, the Iowa Caucus (held under the old rules) did have a process by which voters could vote absentee via satellite and tele-caucuses but the satellite caucuses only elected three state convention delegates and the tele-caucuses only selected two state convention delegates.  Voters participating in either of these alternative caucuses had no role in the selecting delegates at the district level.  For those who could attend the precinct caucuses, at the precinct caucus, attendees would divide into an initial preference and determine which groups were viable (with a general 15% threshold unless the precinct was electing three or fewer delegates to the county convention).  After the initial count, attendees would have the opportunity (based on which preferences were viable or close to viable) to change their preference.  The precinct chair would report the results of this second count to the state party in terms of “state delegate equivalents” and would not result raw votes.  The delegates selected at the precinct caucuses would attend the county conventions where a similar process would occur to select the delegates who would be attending the congressional district convention and the state convention.  A similar process would again occur at the congressional district conventions and the state convention to determine the allocation of the national convention delegates selected at those conventions.  For multiple reasons (the possibility of delegates elected at precinct caucuses and county conventions not attending later conventions, the possibility of changes in preference of such delegates, delegates pledged to withdrawn candidates choosing between the remaining candidates, and the fact that each delegate chosen at a precinct meeting was a fraction of a state delegate and those fractions would be converted to whole numbers at the county convention), the report of the state delegate equivalent only provided a rough estimate of the national delegates that each candidate was likely to receive from Iowa.

We now have a draft of the 2020 Delegate Selection Rules for Iowa.  (Of course, these rules still have to go through a public comment period, be finally approved by the Iowa Democratic Party, and by approved by the Rules and By-laws Committee of the Democratic National Committee before becoming final.)  This draft gives us a first look at how the caucus states might change their state rules to comply with the new national rules.  Continue Reading...

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Iowa Math

While vote totals are not irrelevant to presidential elections (especially in the primary phase when trailing candidates quickly find that they lack the financial resources to continue), what ultimately matters is not the popular vote, but winning delegates (for the primaries) and electors (for the general).  The delegate math heading into the Iowa Caucuses are different for the two parties for two reasons:  1) the stage at which delegates are bound and 2) the two parties do proportional representation differently.

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Iowa Caucuses: Delegate Counts

Iowa-StateSeal.svgYesterday, I posted about my personal experience at an Iowa caucus.  Today,  a discussion of what will happen this year at the caucuses, and the impact of different scenarios going forward.

Democratic Caucuses

I’d love to do one of those columns like the arts folks do for the awards shows, as in “will win/should win/honourable mention” – but this is DCW and we don’t take sides on contested Democratic primaries. So we’ll stick to just the facts as we know them today, 18 days out.

Iowa has 52 delegates to the Convention. The eight Superdelegates are: seven Iowa DNC members and David Loebsack, the sole member of the Iowa Congressional delegation.  The remaining 44 will be chosen through the process, which involves A LOT of math. The full set of computations can be found here.

Basically, to be viable on 1 February, a candidate needs 15% of the vote to be considered. After the first count, that will be Bernie and Hillary. Since the polls are so close, the real question is the Martin O’Malley voters, and the small number of undecideds. Interestingly, while the media will pounce on who won, there’s a chance that the delegates chosen will not actually end up being delegates, and even if they do go to the convention, they might not align with the person he/she represented on 1 February. Yes really.

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Iowa Caucuses: A Personal Tale

IA Caucus 2016We all talk about the caucuses – who will attend, which party the caucus-goers will choose, who will win what percentage of the vote. But you don’t often hear about what it’s really like to attend one.

I attended a caucus in Iowa in the 1980’s. Being from New York and having worked campaigns, petition drives, and for the party, I had this arrogant view that the caucuses would be “quaint”. I couldn’t have been more wrong.

Pre-caucus thought: gentle people having somewhat informed conversations over tea and cookies.

Reality: these people are serious, informed, and support their candidates with a passion it’s hard to find elsewhere.

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