Tag Archives: Nebraska

The Midterms — Preview (Part 3)

By the time that polls close in Arkansas at 7:30 p.m. Central ST, we should be starting to get votes from the early states, but most of the key races will still be classified as “too early to call.”  Arkansas has become so red over the past two decades that none of the races are likely to be close.  The big races will be the ballot issue.  From the right is a proposition to require supermajorities for propositions in future elections and a provision enshrining a version of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act in the Arkansas Constitution.  As we have seen at the federal level, this Free Exercise Clause on steroids will cause significant problems in Arkansas as everything will become somebody’s religious belief.  Arkansas will also vote on legalizing marijuana.

At 8:00 p.m. CST, polls will close in the remaining parts of Kansas, Michigan, South Dakota, and Texas (with those races covered in Part 2 of the preview).    Polls will close for the entire state in Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Louisiana, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.

Arizona will feature several key races.  At the state office level, Governor, Attorney General, and Secretary of State are all open seats.  The Republicans have nominated Trumpist candidates for these positions who refuse to commit to recognizing the election results in 2024.   Particularly for governor, they have nominated a media celebrity who is not qualified.  But these races are currently too close to call.  For Senate, the Republicans have also nominated an extremist.  It looks like Senator Mark Kelly will hold onto the seat, but the seat is probably the third most likely pickup for the Republicans after Nevada and Georgia.   If the Republicans have a good night, that seat could flip. Continue Reading...

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Redistricting — Nebraska

In Nebraska, the new lines will be drawn by the Nebraska Legislature.  Nominally, the races for the legislature are non-partisan, but the general consensus is that most of the members are Republican.  As a result, the expectation is that the legislature will try to shift the lines to favor the Republicans., but, as discussed below, that might be hard for the Republicans to achieve.

After the last round of the redistricting, the Second District (Omaha) was a toss-up district.  The First District (most of the rest of Eastern Nebraska including Lincoln) was a safe Republican district — around R+10.  The Third District (the rest of the state including the Sioux City suburbs) is a solid Republican district — around R +30.  On the map, the districts look like three semi-circles with the Second being the inner core surrounded by the First which is surrounded by the Third.  It can be expected that the legislature will, where possible, try to move Republicans from the Third District into the First and from the First into the Second and to move Democrats from the Second into the First and from the First into the Third.  While not absolutely required, in the last round of redistricting the Nebraska legislature tried to honor county lines.  In the last round, that meant that the First District had a very slim sliver of Dixon County (otherwise in the Third District) and that Sarpy County was split into two halves (the eastern half  in the First District and the western half in the Second District

As has been true in other states, urban and suburban areas have grown faster than rural areas.  So the current estimates reflect that the Third District is underpopulated with the Second District being overpopulated.  (The First District is slightly overpopulated.)  The first, and easy step, is to move the part of the First that is in Dixon County into the Third District, but that is less than 800 people.  Even without those people, the Third is over 36,000 short with the First having around 7,000 excess people and the Second having around 29,000 excess people. Continue Reading...

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Redistricting 2021 — The Numbers

On Monday, four days ahead of its latest target date and almost four months behind the statutory date, the Census Bureau released the national and state-level results from the Census including the apportionment numbers that determine how many representatives each get.  As can be expected, there are multiple different tables summarizing the data in different ways for us number geeks.

The bottom line table shows the apportionment population (both those living in the state and those residing overseas — like military personnel — who call that state home), the number of representatives that each state is getting, and the change in representation.   We will get back to the change in a minute, but the big level number is that the apportionment population is slightly over 331 million.  As such, the average size (mean) of each congressional district is just under 761 thousand.  Alaska, Vermont, and Wyoming have fewer people than the average congressional district.  While the apportionment formula does not work for calculating the population needed for the first representative, even Wyoming has enough population to be entitled to three-quarters of a representative.

If, D.C. and Puerto Rico were states, Puerto Rico would be just ahead of Utah (which has four representatives) and just behind Connecticut (which has five representatives) and D.C. would be between Vermont and Alaska.  Given that Puerto Rico is only slightly larger than Utah (which was not close to getting a fifth representative and far enough behind Connecticut, Puerto Rico would be due for four representatives.  If  both were states, the five states that would lose a representative would have been Oregon, Colorado, and Montana (all of which gained a seat), California (which lost a seat), and Minnesota (which barely avoided losing a seat).  The chart of priority values that allows us to consider the impact of adding Puerto Rico and D.C. also shows that Minnesota barely held onto its last seat and New York barely lost its seat.  Apparently, given the formula, Minnesota would have lost that seat if it had 24 fewer people, and New York would have kept its seat if it had 89 more people.  (The disparity in numbers is caused by the fact that the two states have different number of seats. Continue Reading...

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Delegate Selection Rules — Hawaii

This week we continue our review of the draft delegate selection plans from the 2016 caucus states with Hawaii.  The focus of this on-going review has been how these states are implementing the new provisions for state parties that do not have the option of or choose not to use a state-run primary.  Under Rule 2.K of the DNC’s Delegate Selection Rules, such state parties must make efforts to increase participation in these party-run processes and (just like states that use a state-run primary) the state must use the vote at the “first-determining step” to allocate its pledged delegates to candidates.  Of course, the simple way to comply with these rules is to follow the suggestion to use a state-run primary which is what this week’s draft plan from Nebraska does (like prior draft plans from Colorado and Idaho and one of the two draft plans from Washington). 

For states that do not have a state-run primary in the Spring of 2020 that they can use, however, the only option is to use a party-run process.  In 2016, Hawaii used a traditional precinct caucus.  The individuals present at those caucuses cast a presidential-preference vote.  The results of that preference vote from the individual precincts were totaled and used to determine the allocation of district-level and state-level (party leader and at-large) delegates.

Since the allocation of delegates in Hawaii already complies with Rule 2.K, the issue for Hawaii was what steps to take to make it easier for Democrats to participate in the caucus process.  For 2020, Hawaii has opted to use a party-run primary (sometimes called a firehouse primary) instead of a traditional caucus.  Under this system, there will be two ways that voters can participate in this primary.  First, a person can vote absentee by mail.  Apparently, all individuals registered as Democrats by February 18 will receive a mail-in ballot by March 3.  If the voter would rather vote absentee, they can mail in that ballot at any time before March 28.  Second, a person can vote in person on April 4 during the eight-hour voting period.  Individuals choosing to use the in-person option apparently will be able to vote at any location even if it is not their “home precinct.”  (For the most part, there should not be much of an issue in making sure that a ballot is counted in the right congressional district.  The only island that is in the First Congressional District is Oahu.  Only a small number of voters from the First Congressional District will be on another island on April 4 and likewise only a small number of voters from the other islands will be on Oahu on April 4.  The issue is most likely to be voters from Oahu casting votes in the part of Oahu that is in the “other” district.) Continue Reading...

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2018 Mid-Term Election Preview — Great Plains

Like the South (and the northern part of the Rocky Mountain region), this area of the country has been trending Republican, but there are some opportunities for Democratic gains.

Minnesota might be the weirdest state in the country this year.  Democrats are in good shape to hold both U.S. Senate seats that are on the ballot and will probably also win the race for Governor to keep that seat.  Four of the House seats in Minnesota could change hands — two currently held by the Democrats and two currently held by the Republicans.  A significant part of the Second and Third Districts contain the suburbs of the Twin Cities, and Democrats could pick up both seats over Republican incumbents.  The First and Eighth Districts are open seats as the Democratic incumbents tried to run for state office.  Both are mostly rural districts with the Eighth also featuring some declining industry making them good targets for Republican wins.  Thus, in nine days, Minnesota could be anything from 7-1 in favor of the Democrats to 5-3 in favor of the Republicans.

In Iowa, all of the districts except the Fourth District (Western Iowa) are designed to be swing districts.  In good years for the Republicans, those seats go Republican.  In good years for the Democrats, those seats go Democratic.  Right now Republicans have a 3-1 edge, but Democrats are favored to take both the First and Third.  Democrats also are favored to win the race for Governor.

Missouri features some of the weirdest shaped congressional districts in the county (the dead lizard Fifth District and the claw shapes of the Third and Fourth Districts).  The two closest seats are the D+7 Fifth District and the R+8 Second District.  After Republicans drew these lines in 2011, Democrats hoped that, by 2018 or 2020, the Second District might become close enough to be winnable.  Maybe if Ann Wagner had run for the Senate, the Democrats might have been favored to win an open seat, but she didn’t.  With Representative Wagner running for re-election, Democrats still have an outside chance at winning the district, but it will take strong turnout in the Democratic parts of St. Louis County.  While Representative Wagner deciding to stick in the House is helping the Republicans keep their 6-2 majority in House seats, it is almost certainly hurting them in the Senate race as Attorney General Josh Hawley has proven to be an underwhelming candidate.  To make up for his deficiencies, Republican Super PACS have been pouring money into the State for the past twenty months.  If I hear one more ad from Mitch McConnell’s PAC claiming to know what Missouri values are and alleging that Claire is part of the Republican establishment, I will literally scream.  Democratic groups have done a decent job of emphasizing AG Hawley’s actions undermining pre-existing condition coverage at the same time that he says he is for requiring insurance companies to cover pre-existing conditions.  At the present time, the best bet is for the status quo.  Because St. Louis County is a key part of the state, however, there is some linkage between the Senate race and the House race.  If Representative Wagner wins by double digits, the Republicans could pick up the Senate seat.  If Representative Wagner loses, Clair should win the Senate seat by a comfortable margin.

Oklahoma is a very red state.  Even in wave election year, Democrats tend to have slim chances at best.  At R+10, the Fifth District is the closest in the state, and Democrats have an outside chance of picking it up.  The Governor’s race is also winnable, but it is definitely a long shot.

There are three political parties in Kansas — the Democrats, traditional moderate and conservative Republicans, and far right Republicans.  When the Republican Party goes off the rails, Democrats can win races in Kansas.  In 2011, Republicans opted to “crack” the Democratic regions of the state (the state capital, the University of Kansas, and the Kansas City suburbs) between the Second and Third Districts.  While that leaves all four districts favoring Republicans, it does give the Democrats a chance to win both districts in Democratic years.  Right now, it seems like the Democrats will win in the Third District and the Second District is too close to call.  The race in the Second District might depend on how many students at the University of Kansas have registered to vote at college and how many are voting absentee back home.  The race for Governor may come down to how well the Independent candidate does and whom he takes votes from.  Right now, the polls are showing a dead heat between Spawn of Satan Kris Kobach and Democrat Laura Kelly, but the independent Greg Orman is polling at around 10%.   Third party candidates who are trailing by a significant amount tend to have some fall off as the general election approaches.  Since Orman is probably getting a lot of his support from Republicans who hate Kobach but would rather not vote for a Democrat, the question is whether these voters will hold their noses and vote for Kobach or find their way to vote for a Democrat.

Nebraska has races for Governor and Senate, but the incumbent Republicans look pretty safe.  As always, the Democrats have decent chances in the Second District (Omaha area).  In 2011, the Republicans drew the lines to make this district slightly more favorable to them,    There haven’t been a lot of polls in this district, but it looks like the Republicans are slightly ahead.  This is one of the districts where primary voters (opting for a slightly less well-known and more progressive candidate) may have made the task just a little too hard for the blue team.

South Dakota has races for Governor and its single Congressional seat.  The Democrats have an outside shot at winning the race for governor and taking that position away from the Republicans.  The House seat is probably out of reach.

In North Dakota, the big race is the U.S. Senate seat.  Senator Heidi Heitkamp is a perfect example of the problem facing Democrats in red states.  While she has not been 100% reliable for Democrats in the Senate, she has probably voted the party line more often that is safe for a candidate in such a state.  Republicans are doing their best to stack the deck against her with voting rules designed to make it difficult for Native Americans to vote (their tribal IDs do not meet the new requirements).  If there is a strong Native vote, Senator Heitkamp might barely survive.  If tribal turnout is depressed, the Republicans could take this seat.  The single House seat seems likely to stay Republican.

On the referendum side, Missouri has a slew of issues on the ballot.  There is an ethics reform proposal that includes limits on campaign financing and new rules for redistricting designed to prevent gerrymandering in state legislative races.  There is also a proposal to increase the state minimum wage over a period of years to $12.  There are three competing “medical” marijuana proposals.  In Nebraska, there is a proposal for Medicaid expansion.  North Dakota has an ethics reform package and a “recreational” marijuana proposal.  South Dakota has an ethics reform package and a series of proposals trying to make it harder for voters to propose and approve constitutional amendments (not surprisingly, those restrictions were proposed by the state legislature).

In short, progressive groups have managed to get some referendums on the ballot which should help Democrats win some close races, but there are not that many winnable races.  Democrats have good chances to win six House races, and have outside shots at two others.  On the other hand, Republicans have decent chances at winning two House seats.  Additionally, Republicans are favored to gain one U.S. Senate seat and could win a second.  If Democrats are to have any shot at winning control of the Senate, they need to hold at least one seat in this region.  If the Democrats can have a net gain of five or more House seats in this region, the Democrats should gain control of the House.  If the net gain is only one, the chances of gaining control of the House will shrink substantially.

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Election Night 2016 — What to Look For (Part Four)

fireworksAs 9:00 p.m. rolls around, enough states have been closed long enough that exit polls become less significant, and raw vote count becomes more significant.  If the exit polls and early returns in the state had been clear enough, those states would have already been called.  The question at this point in time is which if any of the contested states and races have been called.  While enough states remain that technically nobody will have yet won the White House, or the majority in the Senate, or the majority in the House, it should be becoming clear whether it is simply a matter of waiting for the polls to close in “safe” states or if it is going to be a long night waiting for the last votes in a handful of states.  While the race is not yet over, the next two hours should determine the winners.

9:00 p.m. (EST) — The remaining polls close in Michigan, Kansas, South Dakota, and Texas.  Additionally, the polls close in Arizona, Colorado, Louisiana, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.  Colorado and Wisconsin are the last of the “at risk” states that are part of Secretary Clinton’s easiest path to 270.  Arizona and Nebraska 2 join Georgia, North Carolina, Ohio, and Maine 2 in the batch of electoral votes that Trump absolutely needs to get to 270.

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